With a referendum on Scottish independence now looking certain
within the next few years, the battle lines may seem clear. On the one
side stand the nationalists, champions of a separate Scottish identity,
keen for a clear break with England and the rest of the UK. Against
them are the unionists, who feel every bit as British as Scottish, and
who wish to remain part of the UK, subject to the authority of the
Westminster parliament.
Yet that polarity is far less distinct than we might assume, suggests Professor Colin Kidd, author of Union and Unionisms: Political Thought in Scotland 1500–2000. Both unionism and nationalism have, in their moderate forms at least, more in common than their political leaders might admit.
Scottish unionism, for example, has been based on a strong sense of
Scottish nationhood engaging with England, rather than submersion in a
wider British identity. Many unionist politicians, says Kidd,
“subscribe to the idea of Scottish popular sovereignty” with traditions
ranging from the 1320 Declaration of Arbroath to the 1689 Claim of
Right. Unionists were even prepared, at times, to celebrate William
Wallace and Robert the Bruce as early defenders of Scotland against
English imperial incursion. If anything, Scottish unionism “began as an
anti-English idea. British union was an alternative to an English
empire”.
Unionists’ approach to relations with England is revealed in their
interpretation of the 1707 union between the two nations. They have
seen this step, suggests Kidd, more as a “partnership of equals”, a
treaty between nations, rather than absorption into a British imperial
state. And Scots of all political stripes have always been especially
sensitive to the idea that, under the union, Westminster has any right
to interfere with what are seen as fundamentals of Scottish
distinctiveness – notably the independence of the Presbyterian church
or the Scottish legal system.
There may have been periods when more submissive unionism was
stronger – perhaps among enthusiastic 19th‑century Scottish
participants in the British empire or mid-20th‑century Labour party
unionists embracing the British welfare state. But, says Kidd, leaders
of British political parties have often had to respond to sensitivities
in their Scottish ranks, fears that Westminster was becoming
overbearing or distant from Scottish concerns.
Edward Heath in the late 1960s and Harold Wilson in the early 1970s
proposed more autonomy for Scotland, well before devolution was agreed.
The 1980s Thatcherite era confirmed that a British government
attempting to impose on Scotland what was seen as an English agenda
alienated Scots of all persuasions, including many Scottish
Conservatives.
The Scottish National Party (SNP) benefited from that alienation and
from subsequent disillusionment with Tony Blair’s Labour government.
Historically, however, Scottish nationalism, just like unionism, has
been more ambiguous in its approach to relations with England than
impassioned SNP rhetoric might imply. Scotland did not evolve the same
kind of 19th‑century separatist national identity found in many other
European nations. Its nationalism, says Kidd, was “always somewhat
half-hearted”.
Take the question of monarchy. Whereas there has always been a
republican element in Scottish nationalist support, it has never been
as dominant as in, say, Irish nationalism. The SNP’s policy towards the
monarchy developed in what Kidd calls a “softly, softly” way. SNP
leader Alex Salmond has cultivated good relations with the Queen, and
has announced that, in the event of an independent Scotland, she would
remain head of state as Queen of Scots. In other areas, Salmond has
been using language that emphasises an active, positive relationship
with the rest of the UK, rather than separation. He talks of a
continuing ‘social union’ after independence.
So in the campaigning leading up to a referendum on independence,
expect to hear politicians from all sides attempting to address a kind
of historical middle ground, where most Scots have probably always
been. “Whether describing themselves as unionists or nationalists,”
concludes Professor Kidd, they have sought “some form of relationship
with England to preserve the institutions of Scottish nationhood”.
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